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While still playing a role in sensitive areas, in Western astrology the planets are seen as more important factors. The Chinese astrology system identifies five elements : fire, earth, metal, water, and wood. Retrieved 6 July Astronomical Society of the Pacific. May Personality and Individual Differences.

To optimise the chances of finding even remote relationships between date of birth and individual differences in personality and intelligence we further applied two different strategies. The first one was based on the common chronological concept of time e. The second strategy was based on the pseudo-scientific concept of astrology e.

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Sun Signs, The Elements, and astrological gender , as discussed in the book Astrology: Science or superstition? Yano, Michio. University Grants Commission, Case No. Archived from the original on 12 March The Hindu. Archived from the original on 23 September The Times of India.

Archived from the original on 6 February Archived from the original on 13 November Skeptical Inquirer. Penguin Books India.

Proceedings of the International Astronomical Union. Asquith Dordrecht u.

National Science Foundation. Retrieved 28 July About three-fourths of Americans hold at least one pseudoscientific belief; i. Biswas, D. Mallik, C. Bappu 1. The use of the boat as a coffn i s based on the idea of the deceased person' s jourey over the water to the other world Karj alainen 1 9 1 8: 1 06; Napolskikh 1 7. It was natural , following this l i ne of thought, that the dead would be buried near waterways compare Finnish i sl and cemeteries, of which there are mentions i n 1 7th century Savo court records, for i nstance.

In addition to the concept of the distant land of the dead, i t was typical of Norther hunting and fshi ng cultures in Si beri a that there existed a vast array of dwelling places for the deceased. Thus it i s possible that Finno U gric peoples, too, had their own unique beliefs concering a heavenly land of the dead even before the advent of Christi anity. In a hunting and fshing cul ture, i t was not desirable for the dead person to l i nger long near the grave site. If the transition was diffcult, the shaman might accompany the dead person' s soul on its journey to the l and of the dead.

The relationship of hunting peoples to their dead i s cl early more fl led with fear and dread than in the case of farming peoples. The graves of the Comb-Cerami c culture Pi hl man 1 98 1 were characterised by the use of red ochre, fire, stone structures and the practice of coveri ng the deceased' s head wi th stones, all of which may represent self-protective measures Graceva 1 It i s al so interesting that the bodies i n the graves were positioned wi th their feet pointing north, and that the graves were located along waterways.

These features refer to the aforementioned concepts of the direction and nature of the land of the dead. Among the Nganasan, a living person was not al lowed to lie down wi th their feet pointing north or west, the directions of death Graceva 1 In the grave, the coveri ng of one part of the body, for example, the head, with stones, points to the complex concept of the soul typical of Northern hunting and fi shing cultures. Within the concepts of diferent groups, the parts of the soul, the number of soul s, and their location i n the body varied.

But what these hunting and fshing cultures of norther Eurasi a nonetheless had i n common was the idea of a soul that could leave the body and move about independently during sleep, trance or i l lness. On the other hand, there was also a soul that remained within the body: the Hanti word is-, the Mordvi n d, Komi ac, Sami id and Fi nni sh itse all show that these groups once possessed a duali stic concept of the soul Hakkinen 1 1 The Mansi term is means a shadow, for example the shadow of a tree or a house, but also the "ghost" or spirit of both a living being and a dead person.

The Finnish word itse has narrowed to refer to "self, consciousness". The underlying notion here is that the mobi l e part of the soul or the spirit which detaches from the person during dreaming, for example, represents a person' s conscious self or ego Harva 1 1. The term which referred to the corporeal soul, or soul element vital to sustaining life, was LOyly "sauna steam" in modem Finnish. Thi s so-called duali stic, or better yet, plural i stic concept of the soul belongs to the most archaic and fundamental 22 What Myths Tel l about Past Finno-Ugric Modes of Thi nki ng layer of thought and forms a background for animal ceremonialism and shamani stic rites rooted i n the Paleol ithic Era.

In the Finno-Ugric region, the most common form adopted by the soul travelling to the other world was the bird Haavi o 1 Concepts of the soul-bird form one corerstone of bird mythology. The direction of lie and bird mythology Numerous researchers have taken note of the decorations which adorn containers produced by the Comb-Ceramic culture, decorations which appear to depict waterfowl.

In Northern areas, the return of migratory birds heralded the arrival of spring, and even today, the Northern Hanti celebrate the return of the birds i n one of the most i mportant gatheri ngs of the winter-spring period. In the beliefs of the Ob-Ugrians, the wintering place of migratory birds, which they reached by sl i pping under the edge of the sky Karj alainen 1 9 1 8: , has parallels among the Chukchi Bogoras 1 and numerous other groups i n northern Siberi a.

The Fi nni sh concept of the Lintukoto, which i s located i n the South or Southwest, and to which birds mi grate i n the winter, i s one variant of the i mage complex held by Finno U gric peoples concerning the southerly winteri ng land of the birds Harva 1 1. The mi gration of water birds, which marked the coming of spri ng and was important for subsi stence, is also i mmortalized in astral mythology.

The symbolic value of birds varies somewhat among different peoples; nonetheless the swan occupied a central role in the mythologies of many Uralic peoples. The i mportance of the migration of water birds in astral mythology suggests the antiquity and cultural signifcance of bird symbol i sm. Mythol ogy concerned wi th bi rds and the World Tree i s l i nked to descriptions of l i fe-sustaining forces. A signifcant feature in the mythologies of the Ural ic peoples has been the role of the female as ruler over l i fe, death, and the directions which symbol i ze them, south and north Si ikala 1 ; Napol ski kh 1 The i nformation col l ected by Vladimir Napol ski kh concering mythology among the Mansi, Nganasan, Selkup and Volga-Finnic groups shows that the complex of images and concepts dealing with the souther abode of the birds i s associated not only with the l i fe-giving Mother fgure, who very often represents the sun, but also with a vari ant of the World Tree, the Tree of Life, which among many peoples is depicted as a birch.

For many Uralic groups, thi s image complex includes the reservoir of unbor children' s souls awaiting birth in the other world, as well as a mythical bird as incubator and then transporter of these soul s; these models of thought are known from throughout Siberi a cf. Friedrich-B uddruss 1 1 Among the Finns, the southern land of the sun could perhaps, in addition to Lintukoto, also be Piivoli. It seems natural to consider the obstacl e in Lemminkainen 's journey to the banquet at Paivola farm, the giant birch on whose top perched an eagle, as li nked to the aforementioned themes, even if the topos has shifted to a depiction of the dangers l urki ng on the road to the other worl d.

In Finland, however, the female sun-deity Piivitir was not the focus of a cult, as she may have been replaced i n the Middle Ages with the Virgin Mary, who represented l i fe force and was called upon for aid i n childbirth.

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The counterforce to the Mother of Life, that is, the ruler of death and i l lness, is also depicted among Uratic peoples as femal e. The clearest example of a northerly realm of bitter cold, death and i l l ness is the Land of the North Pohjola encountered in Kalevalaic epic and incantation, whose rul er is the female Loveatar or Louhi. Myths of world creation, according to which the cosmos was born from the pieces of a broken egg or from mud dredged from beneath the waters by a water bird, are associ ated with bird mythology. The creation of the world from the broken shell of a primeval egg is a myth widely di spersed throughout the world, whose links to Indian tradition were demonstrated by Herman Kellgren already in 1 and by Otto Donner in 1 The myth is also known from the Avesta.

Pentti Aalto 1 points out that only in the Iranian and Finnish myths is the World Egg associated with a bird, and he therefore j udges the myth to be a legacy from the Proto-Aryan period.

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The Proto Urali c tradition, on the other hand, according to studies made by Vl adimir Napolskikh, has incl uded an even more broadl y distributed myth - stretching across Si beri a and to the Americas - that of the Diver-Bird, in which the creator god asks a water bird to bring Earth up from the bottom of a primordial sea. Beings which regulate human lie The critical supernatural beings from the perspective of people in Norther hunting and fshing cultures are relatively si mil ar in their basic nature and cl assifcation, even if features and names of individual beings vary. The highest beings, which function at the greatest distance from humans, are associ ated wi th natural phenomena and points of the compass.

Of these, the one with the broadest i nfl uence is the ruler of the heavens, which over the last centuries has taken on the attributes of the Christian God, but who may have earlier been the personifcation of the sky itself. Ajkhenvald, Helimski 24 What Myths Tell about Past Finno-Ugric Modes of Thi nki ng ja Petrukhin 1 1 59 have pointed out the supposition according to which the Mansi term numi "higher, heavenly" cf.

Numi -Toram , the Hanti num, cf. The names for supreme deities demiurge, the lord of the heavens, weather god which derive from the Finno-Ugric proto-language are the Finnish llmarinen, the Udmurt lnmar, the Komi Jen m , and the Hanti Num-Jelam, al l of which can be traced back to words meaning "sky", "air" or "weather". However, it is not clear whether these terms reflect an Aryan source an establ i shed epithet for Indra is dyuman "bright, cl ear". The authors propose, in fact, that in both Proto-Ural ic and Proto-Fi nno-Ugric mythology the sky god and supreme god have been counterbal anced by opposing, evi l forces. It i s interesting that the former group of names di scussed above are ancient indigenous words, while the l atter are adopted from outside groups and represent an apparently competing rel igious system. The earl iest concepts connected to the thunder deity may have been represented in Eurasian and American i mages of the thunderbird.

Ivanov and V. Toporov 1 97 4 have shown that the thunder god tradition in Europe has recei ved i nfl uences from the Baltic and Sl avi c cultures. The Finnish thunder god Ukko, and Horgalles of the Scandi navian Sami have been shaped not only by Baltic i nfluences but also by Scandi navi an i mages.

Termes, known among the Sami living in Kuola and on the Ruij a coast, may be rel ated to the names of the Hanti god Turem and the Mansi god Torem. In the Ural ic l anguage area, the sky god was seen to have a less immediate and concrete i mpact on people' s lives than nature spirits, animal spirits and the spirits of deceased ancestors, which even today occupy an important status in the l i fe of many ob-Ugrian and Samoyed groups. The anthropo morphic idols di scovered i n Finnish archeological sites can most often be interpreted as nature spirits and guardi an spirits of home and ki ngroup.

It is worth noting that cl ay idols i n human form produced by the Comb-Ceramic culture Huurre 1 62 may have been dressed i n animal furs. Animal ceremonialism and astral mythology Not only sacrifcial oferings but also the bones of hunted game ani mals were brought to the place dedicated to the guardian spirit of a particular animal speci es. The notion underlying thi s practice was that the existence of a species of animal could be safeguarded by returing the slaughtered animal to the spirit responsible for watching over that speci es. The retur of cerai n pars of the animal ' s body meant the retur of the soul to its origi nal home so that it could be bor anew.

The most i mportant ritual manifestation of animal ceremonialism i s the complex of myths and rites surrounding bear ki l l i ng among the Finns, Sami and Ob-Ugrians. The retur of the animal ' s bones and other body parts to i ts guardian spirit i n order to promote its 25 ANNA-LEENA SIIKALA rebi rth di verges in terms of its underl ying motivation from sacrifce proper, even if these two types of ritual may be very simi lar in terms of formal features.

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In fact, this ancient legacy of hunting rituals l ater survived in the context of sacri fcial ceremoni es. Rituals known from northern Eurasi a to North America which ended by returning the bones of slaughtered animal s, were repeated whenever a large or rare game animal was ki l led Paproth 1 Such animals included the bear and el k. Herd animals such as the deer, on the other hand, became the objects of ritual handling during hunting only when they were the hunting season' s first kill or the frst animal from its herd to be brought down. The guardi an spirits responsible for the conti nued exi stence of game animals might appear to people i n the form of the species they protected.

The guardian spirit of the most powerful and most important game animals might develop i nto a fgure known to protect all species of forest fauna.

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In hunting and fshing cultures, animal ceremonialism i s connected to totemism. The totemic animal i s described i n Ob-Ugrian myths, for example, as the progenitor and protector of the entire kin group. The astral mythology of hunting and fshing cultures i s animal-oriented. Its events, i mmortali zed in the constel l ations of the night sky, depict the activities most vi tal to the conti nuance of l i fe. The special status of the bear and the elk in the mythology of the Uratic peoples, as among Si berian hunting cultures more general l y, can be seen i n the important role they play i n astral mythology.

The Sami mythology rel ated to the same theme can be compared to the Finni sh-Karel i an myth, which includes the making of the skis and the skiing epi sode which follows.